The Ambiguity of Somali Citizenship

The extradition of Abdikarim Muse Qalbi-Dhagax to Ethiopia in late August this year highlighted the ambiguity of Somali citizenship. Qalbi-Dhagaxis a prominent member of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a group seeking self-determination for the Somali region of Ethiopia. He was said to have been visiting a relative in Gaalkacyo when Galmudug security forces captured and handed him over to the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA). A few days later the news of his rendition to Ethiopia had been made public.

The extradition created a storm for the new leaders of Federal Government of Somalia (FGS). Demonstrations erupted in some parts of the country, politicians and lawmakers publicly criticized the government’s decision. The social media savvy government failed to respond to the public outcry, or explain the basis for its decision to extradite Qalbi-Dhagax, until 6th September. The government linked the former Somali army officer to al-Shabaab and labeled the ONLF a terrorist group, but did not provide answers to the fundamental questions surrounding the extradition such as the legality of the cited agreements, and Muse’s right to get justice in Somalia. A parliamentary debate on the issue ended with the formation of a 15-member commission tasked with investigating the matter.

Somali Citizenship

In the 1940s Somali nationalist movements emerged in Somalia envisioning the unification of a greater Somalia divided by the colonial powers. The Somali Youth League (SYL) was the leading movement for this cause. For Somali nationalists, the union of British Protectorate and Italian Trusteeship in 1960 was a stepping stone to the unification of all five regions of ‘Greater Somalia’. The three remaining regions were French Somaliland, Ethiopian Somaliland, and Kenyan Somaliland.

Ethnic Somalis in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia and North Frontier District (NFD) of Kenya and Djibouti were considered Somali citizens in Somalia’s legal provisions. For instance, article 6 of the 1960 constitution states that “the Somali Republic shall promote, by legal and peaceful means, the union of Somali territories…” Moreover, article 3 of the Somali Citizenship Law [Law No. 28 of 22 December 1962] defined the Somali citizen as “any person who by origin, language or tradition belongs to the Somali Nation”.

Somalis Outside of the Republic

However, political developments in the region reshaped the future for ethnic Somalis in the Ogaden, Djibouti and NFD regions. Despite the population’s vote for amalgamation with Somalia, Britain disregarded the result of the early 1960s plebiscite in North Frontier District (NFD) and concluded to decide the status of NFD after Kenya independence. Further, the French territory, Djibouti, took its full independence from France in 1977 and opted to remain an independent state. As Dr. Abdirahman Abdullahi Badiyow claimed in his recent book Making Sense of Somali History, “The independent Djibouti state that did not join the Somali Republic was the first crack in the Greater Somalia project”.

Notwithstanding these developments, the military regime did not forsake its ambition to bring the missing regions under Somalia authority. The 1977-8 war was a suicidal and failed attempt to forcefully take over the administration of the Ogaden region from Ethiopia. Somalia was defeated after its major ally, the Soviet Union, sided with Ethiopia. The internal conflicts and the rise of factions in the 1980s in Somalia ultimately led to the total collapse of the central government in early 1991.

While Somalia has been in failed and recovering state in the past two and half decades, the Somali ethnic in the neighboring countries has been in a relative peace compared to those in Somalia and many accepted their Ethiopian and Kenyan identities. Currently, Somalis in the Ogaden and the then North Frontier District (NFD) now North Eastern Province have citizenship rights such as the right to vote, the right to public office, the right to reside, and the right to political association, among others, in Ethiopia and Kenya respectively.

While the economic and cultural integration of ethnic Somalis in the region is intact, the citizenship rights of Somali residents in Ethiopia and Kenya in a federal Somalia needs redefinition. After the recent rendition of Qalbi-Dhagax to Ethiopia and the public fury in Somalia and abroad, and the counter reactions of some ethnic Somalis in Ethiopia, Somalia needs a citizenship law that addresses the intricacies of who qualifies as a citizen in Somalia.


Adopted in 2004 in Kenya by politicians and clan elders, Somalia is experiencing a new governance model: federalism. The actual implementation of a federal system in Somalia started during the Hassan Sheikh presidency (September 2012 – February 2017). During this term, Jubbaland (2013), South West (2014), Galmudug (2015) and Hirshabeelle (2016) were established with regional legislators and governments. Puntland had been an autonomous region since 1998, and it is considered the architect and main sympathizer of the federal system in Somalia. Moreover, Somaliland, a self-declared republic, was formed in 1991 and unilaterally announced its independence from the rest of Somalia. It has a government, bicameral parliament, currency and public administration institutions. The once central government of one president, one legislative assembly and a cabinet is currently devolved into seven presidents, seven councils of ministers, and nine legislative assemblies [the federal government and Somaliland have bicameral parliaments]. Mogadishu, the capital city of the country, is also vying for a special status with one of the options under consideration being the formation of a Benadir state with its own legislative and executive bodies.

The devolved administrative structure created new identities for Somalis. After the formation of Somaliland and Puntland, the terms Somalilander and Puntlander emerged. Somaliland hitherto treats non-Somalilander Somali ethnic as foreigners in the Somaliland territories. More recently, new identities appeared in the south such as Jubalanders and Muqdishaawiyiin.

Although the emergence of federal units and the new identities does not conflict with Somali citizenship, it affects Somali nationalism and citizenship in two ways. First, it shows further segregation and division of the Somali republic. Second, the new identities complicate some of the basic rights of citizens such as freedom of movement and residence, and the right of political participation. For instance, someone from region X cannot actively participate in local administrations in region Y because of the clan-based identity. The Districts and Regions Administration Act passed by Somali federal parliament in July 2013 also strengthens this identity and clan-based political participation. The law states that the Somali citizen can only seek public office in areas where his/her clan originally lived.

Need for Citizenship Law

Somalia needs a new citizenship law that answers the fundamental questions surrounding Somali citizenship. The law would be instrumental in clarifying three interrelated issues. First, it could elucidate the status and rights of Somali ethnic in the region in Somali Republic. Second, the law could address the right of political participation of Somali citizen in a federal Somalia. The emergency of federal member units and the identity politics dominated by the country’s power sharing complicated the right of every Somali citizen to reside and actively participate the politics and administration of all regions. Third, the citizenship law could also be an opportunity to revise the citizenship rights of dual nationals. According to Bronwen Manby, a number of African countries have legal provisions prohibiting dual nationals to hold senior public offices “on the grounds that the loyalty of such persons should not be divided”. The citizenship law could embark such debate in Somalia where dual nationals are currently dominant in top public offices.

Mahad Wasuge


Three conditions for stable and functioning government in Somalia

Somalia experienced a leadership change in early 2017. After months of parliamentary (s)elections, lower and upper house parliamentarians were sworn in in late 2016. The two chambers of the federal parliament elected Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo as the president of the state. Within two weeks a prime minister was appointed and the parliament unanimously gave him their vote of confidence. The prime minister announced a large cabinet and the parliament, as per the constitution, endorsed the government in late March 2017.

Somalia has repeatedly experienced unstable executive branch. The instability usually comes from disagreements between the president and his prime minister, which in turn affects the ministers and ministry portfolios. In the past 15 years, four Somali presidents appointed 12 prime ministers and ministry portfolios and cabinet members were arbitrarily changed. Similar squabbling could spark under the new federal leadership with the current structural problems in place.

To establish stable and functioning executive branch in Somalia, three fundamental changes should be made: reorganization of the structure of the government and distribution of the powers of the president and the prime minister, the adoption of cabinet-organization legislation and a new eligibility criteria for the membership of the council of ministers will, in my view, be a prerequisite for a stable executive at Somalia federal institutions.

Structural Change

The Somali provisional constitution gives considerable executive powers to both the president and the council of ministers. Somalia has been practicing this hybrid system since independence in 1960 – save during the military dictatorship (1969-1990). This system did not work well in Somalia. In the past four years, three prime ministers were appointed and sacked after disagreements between the president and the prime minister. Under the current set up, the president appoints the prime minister, but cannot fire. Therefore, the parliament has always been the arbiter and often gave a no confidence vote to prime ministers.

Different options were proposed to solve this divided executive. One solution is adopting the 1960 constitution, which gives the president the power to appoint and dismiss the prime minister. In this setup, the president should be popularly elected by the citizens, not the parliament as the case is now. Another option considered during the ongoing constitutional review process is the adoption of a presidential system with a president and vice president(s).

These proposals require further negotiations and consensus among political stakeholders, especially in the constitutional review process. However, structural change is necessary to produce a stable and effective government.

I believe that a presidential system is fit for Somalia. This system will end the recurring power struggle between the president and prime minister. It would also enable citizens to elect their president, and it will advance separation of powers, checks and balances, and accountability.

Cabinet Legislation

One of the challenges of a stable and functioning federal government is the arbitrary changes of ministry portfolios and the unlimited number of ministers appointed. In March this year, a large number (69 including the prime minister) of cabinet ministers was formed. Ministry portfolios were changed and a new ministry was created. This is so because there is no legislation in place defining the number of ministry portfolios. As a result, every prime minister has the discretion to form a large or a small government. For instance, Abdi Farah Shirdoon named 10 ministers, while his successor appointed 25 ministers.

In June 1962, the first Somali Republic, which prepared most of the institutional foundations of Somalia, drafted and passed the Law of the Organization of the Government. This legislation stipulated the number of ministry portfolios and the total number of ministers that a prime minister can appoint. The ministries were based on the needs and economic situation of the nation. The prime minister had a clear focus and scope of the number of individuals (s)he can appoint, and as a result, the ministry portfolios were stable.

Present-day Somalia needs similar legislation. The council of ministers could revisit that legislation, and request the parliament make an amendment commensurate with the current institutional needs. This is an institution-strengthening step that could enormously improve the future stability of the nascent state institutions of Somalia.

Membership of the Council of Ministers

The structure of the government usually determines the relationship between the executive and legislative organs of the state. For instance, the two bodies are separate in a presidential system, but in parliamentary systems, they are fused.

Since 1960, Somalia members of the parliament were eligible to join the cabinet. It is a constitutional right for the MPs to be appointed or serve as a cabinet minister. However, the fusion of parliament and cabinet has not worked for Somalia since there are no disciplined political parties.

The majority of the newly approved ministers (44) are members of parliament. They get two salaries; both from parliament and government. This, in my view, is one of the main reasons why motions against the government are highly frequent because other MPs, who are outside the cabinet, want to join the next government.

The constitution committee that drafted Somalia’s 2000 Transitional National Charter proposed a solution for this complication. They added an article to the constitution specified that any member of the parliament who joins the government would automatically lose his/her membership in the parliament. This article should be reinstated in the constitutional review process. It will improve the functions of the legislative and executive branches and will also advance accountability among state institutions.

The implementation of the three proposed constitutional and legislative adjustments, I contend, would be a prerequisite for a stable and properly functioning government in Somalia. The three proposals are based on lessons learned from past experiences that can be replicated to the present context. However, it will need the political will and commitment from top federal leaders.

Mahad Wasuge

Somalia’s Unreserved Support for Erdogan during the Coup Crisis

On Friday evening 15th July, a faction of Turkish military forces attempted to topple the democratically elected President, Erdogan. The group declared a martial law on Turkish state television in Ankara. President Erdogan asked citizens go to streets and oppose the coup d’état. The tanks and helicopters of the group clashed with citizens and police in the streets of Ankara and Istanbul. On early Saturday, president Erdogan landed at Istanbul’s Ataturk Airport and it was apparent that the coup failed. At least 265 individuals were killed and more than 1440 were wounded. The Turkish government accused Fethullah Gulen as the mastermind of the failed coup. More than six thousand army officers and judges many of whom believed to be supporters of the exiled cleric are detained by authorities. Turkey’s opposition parties and many world leaders condemned the attempted coup. But the U.S. and its European allies in NATO reacted to the coup with caution, urging restraint.

Somalia was the first country to condemn the coup. Somali president released a press statement around mid-night on Friday, just 2 hours after the announcement of the coup. He supported the democratically elected government led by president Erdogan stating that “it is unacceptable to reverse the democratic path that the people of Turkey enjoyed in the recent times of their history. This was unfortunate and we are very glad to hear that the evil forces who tried to turn Turkey into a violent ground have been defeated’’. Somalia’s Puntland president Abdiwali Gaas also congratulated Turkey for defeating the military faction who attempted the coup. “I want to extend my congratulatory message with the Turkish Government“, he said. The Coalition of Somali Political Parties did not miss the opportunity either to denounce the coup. In a statement, the coalition said “we are delighted to see the dark forces are defeated by the brave citizens of Turkey, the security forces and by the Turkish leaders”.

In addition, Mogadishu local authority organized a big rally against the coup and showed solidarity with the Turkish Government. Hundreds of Somalis including Mogadishu mayor, deputies, district commissioners, and religious leaders gathered at Daljirka Daahsoon square waving Somali and Turkish flags and visited the Turkey’s embassy in Mogadishu, which is the largest Turkish embassy in Africa. On Saturday afternoon, the Somali Prime Minster and some of his cabinet ministries also visited the Turkish ambassador to Somalia to further express Somalia’s support and solidarity. Somalis in Barawe city in Lower Shabelle also rallied against the coup. Similarly, Somalis in various countries reacted strongly on social media and condemned the unsuccessful coup.

Not only did the Somali government symbolically supported the Turkish government but it has also taken action against institutions believed to have links with those suspected of plotting the coup. The Council of Ministries issued orders to close down projects in Somalia run by Nile Organization which has links with Hizmet-Gulen Movement led by Fethullah Gulen. The Somali government also asked Turkish nationals working on these projects to leave the country in seven days. According to the Federal Minister of Information, the decision was taken after a request from Turkish Government. Nile Organization manages three schools in the country: two in Mogadishu and one in Hargeisa. It also runs a private hospital in Mogadishu known as ‘Deva’ and supports orphanages. In addition, the organization helped hundreds of Somalis to study in Turkey.

Despite the solidarity with which many Somalis have so far shown for the democratically elected Turkish government, the closure of this charity did not go well with the public. This is attributable to a number of reasons. Firstly, the decision was taken hours after the failed coup in Turkey without meticulous planning and study on potential consequences for Somalis. Secondly, the government did not mention any other business other than the education and health services that the organization was involved. Third, the organization was allowed to invest, decorate and use public premises in Mogadishu, which is a sign that the government had no problems with the organization initially. For whatever reason, and considering the capacity and commitment of the current federal government in the provision of education and health services to citizens, there are no guarantees that the Somali beneficiaries of Nile Organization projects will not face negative consequences. The organization may switch Mogadishu projects to Hargeisa, which is beyond the writ of Somali Federal Government, and students in Turkey sent by the organization are very susceptible.

The quick reaction and overwhelming support of Somali political leaders, administrative regions and citizens are predictable. First, Erdogan, the current president of Turkey, helped Somalia get the attention of the international community. He visited Somalia three times, August 2011, January 2015 and June 2016, and implemented tangible projects across the country. He was the first leader of his weight who landed Mogadishu after the civil wars and he came here with his wife, daughter, politicians, business people, celebrities and journalists in August 2011 at a time when Somalia was facing a severe drought, which caused the death of more than 260,000 Somalis. He pledged support and implemented development and infrastructural projects in Somalia in the past five years. Therefore, any attempt to undermine his rule is not welcome in Somalia. As Somali Foreign Minister put it, “Turkish people and their government have provided close to one billion dollars’ worth of aid, investment and infrastructure rebuilding since 2011 to Somalia”. More recently, Turkish government pledged an annual budgetary support of $24 million to the Somali government.

Second, Mogadishu is the largest beneficiary of Turkish engagement in Somalia. Since 2011, Turkey has constructed roads, hospitals, schools, and IDP camps in Mogadishu. Furthermore, they have invested in Mogadishu airport, added a new terminal, and started direct Turkish flight that linked Mogadishu to the rest of the world. Moreover, the management of Mogadishu port helped Somali government increase its internal revenue and promoted the export and import trade; Istanbul Municipality helped Mogadishu local government clean roads. Turkish business, humanitarian and development organizations were also active in helping Somalis in Mogadishu get skills, employment and quality services. Therefore, the quick response and support of Mogadishu residents towards the failed coup has sensible roots and reasons. The public who rallied in Mogadishu waving Turkish flags was a sign of how Turkey won their hurts and minds. The Turkish embassy thanked Somalis in Mogadishu for their solidarity and support.

Finally, many Somalis benefited from Turkish engagement with Somalia directly or indirectly. Thousands of students received full scholarships and attend universities in Turkey. Others got employment opportunities and/or skills. These among others, were some of the reasons why Somalis were overwhelmingly supporting the incumbent Turkish government and its leaders and were against the failed coup.

In this globalized world, the failed coup in Turkey had an immediate impact on the Somali lives and politics. Immediately after the coup, Mogadishu’s local government asked hundreds of people to protest and demonstrate in public against the coup. Given the security situation in the city, these protesters were vulnerable to al-Shabaab attacks. To say the least, inundating the embassy with high, mid and low ranking public officials including but not limited to the Mayor, District Commissioners, Premier and Ministers was unnecessary as it further increased the risk. The President’s press release and the media coverage could suffice. This was not also good for the security of the embassy at this time when al-Shabaab leader recently voiced their dissatisfaction with Turkey’s involvement in Somalia. While the Somali Federal Government’s overwhelming support for the current Turkish government is justified, the manner in which such support was conveyed was not, as it compromised public safety.

In conclusion, the failed coup against the current ruling AKP and Turkish government revealed Turkey’s influence on Somali politics and public opinion. The motto seem to be ’wherever Turkey goes Somalia goes’ – at least for now!

Mahad Wasuge



In Somalia: Who is Purported to be a Politician?


Somalia is a nation where its people often focus on discussing about the nature of politics. Those people also look forward to holding positions in the government, regardless of their educational status. We see almost all Somalis claim that they are well-versed in issues related to politics. Strangely enough, most of those people never admit they are ignorant of the rudimentary knowledge in politics.

When I was young, I remembered seeing a group of men who huddled to listen to the news at local teashops. At that time, B.B.C Somali Service had been the best station for Somali news and programs. Every time the BBC programs were off the air, people discussed, dissected and analyzed events of the day.

In the following section, I will be discussing from where the zeal of being a politician derived. Let me begin with the history of the conflict that I openly argue is the major reason behind the rise of this fervor.

Since the armed rebels toppled Barre regime from the office in 1991, Somalia descended into a painful decade of anarchy.  During these years of lawlessness, there was no any fully functioning government in Somali regions. In Djibouti, six faction leaders established the first Transitional Government in 2000. Somali political analysts pointed out that those decades of mayhem forced the country to experience different stages: the years of warlordism, the era of transitional governments, the genesis of the Islamic Court Union, and the incumbent non-transitional government.

In the wake of the birth of federalism in 2004, many regions began to rise in balkanized politics. In order to federate the country, regional states with separate presidents, ministers, deputy ministers and parliamentarians were formed. In addition to that, young Somalis from the Diaspora and the locals joined the government and held positions such as advisors, civil servants, and district commissioners.

All those above-cited factors forced many Somalis to take part in regional and provincial administrations in the country. The pressing circumstances that the country left many in complete confusion about who is a politician and who is a bureaucrat.  Unfortunately, the precise definition of the literal term “politician” is too mysterious for many.

In the theater of current politics, one may hear politicians who have previously held ministerial and parliamentary positions get appointed as chiefs of the national forces. In addition to that, civil servants as well as district commissioners may find themselves as genuine politicians. This generates confusion of who is a true politician or who is not. The question is, can a politician be a chief of a national force? Can we characterize the status of those regional governors, district commissioners, and civil servants as Somali politicians? It is crucial for us to discuss about finding candid answers to these questions.

Most Somalis who claim as politicians do not study politics as a discipline. I remember vividly a seminar that brought hundreds of students who were prepared to join a university back in 2009. Some students were asking one of the students who got enrolled in the faculty of Political Science why he decided to take that subject. The students argued that studying Politics required no university degree at all. This type of thinking is still prevalent in many parts of the country. Many of those joining the politics and the administration do not have enough understanding of what it is like politics and politicians.

My definition of the term is apparent. “Politician” is a person active in party politics who sets and influences public policy and decision-making. Such politician is one who seeks positions through legitimate means. These include cabinet ministers, and the parliamentarians, the leaders of registered political parties, if any, and the federal member state parliamentary and executive branches.

What is important for us to understand is that the head of the administration of ministers such as the General Directors, the head of departments and the other civil servants under his direction are not politicians although they influence public policy. They are public administrators / public bureaucrats, and their main responsibility is to implement the government policies. In addition, the governors of the administrative regions, the district commissioners, and the other subordinates are also part of public administration. They carry out the government’s policies and programs. Moreover, it is also imperative to comprehend that the national armed forces are far from being politicians. The roles of the chiefs of the armed forces are to keep up government’s security policies and the defense.

In conclusion, let us not mistake staff working for the government for being as bona fide politicians. If you want to be a politician, do not rely on only your clan affiliations, but invest yourself in education and study politics. This will help you avoid from making potential mistakes, and other faults that you are susceptible if you become a politician. Somalia does not need numerous politicians, but it needs competent and hard-working public administrators who can carry out the government’s policies effectively.

Mahad Wasuge

You can follow me on Twitter @MahadWasuge

Buulaburte: The Day of Rememberance

Buulaburte picture

I started writing this piece when I was listening to one of Dahir Ga’amey Somali songs that he composed after his visit to Buulaburte. In the song, he vividly described the natural beauty of the city – lyrics that resuscitated my dormant memory.

The story started as follows. One day I Googled Buulaburte. All of a sudden, countless images and songs popped up. I then clicked one of the songs listed on the top. Even though I don’t listen to songs that much, that day I watched the musical slide show, full of interesting pictures of the city and its residents.

Apart from the sweet tune of the song, images of the town were very captivating. Among those I saw in the musical slide show included my friends’ pictures with whom I used to play football. I also saw the historical bridge that was built sometime back in the 1937, the famous mosque in the middle of the town and many other places that resonated with my mind.

This was the exact moment when my mind started remembering the good old days in Buulaburte. For everyone, the place in where you were born and grew up is always unique. In Buulaburte, I spent from the day I was born until I left the city years ago to pursue my education.

I put off writing my piece for a moment because I was having flashbacks to my days in Buulaburte. Even after the song was over, I sat there silently as the pictures reminded me of my old friends and football teammates. There is no doubt that the town was good at all types of sport. Most importantly, Bulaburte produced the greatest football players in the region of Hiiraan before and after the civil war. Although I was not among those famous players, I used to play for Bagabeeso Junior,  team from my village, as a striker. Unfortunately, my teammates are now scattered all over the world, only a few have chosen to stay in the town no matter what the circumstances are. The picture of the mosque in the slide show touched my heart the most because it was from where I studied Quranic Tafseer, Prophetic Traditions (Hadiths), Islamic Jurisprudence (Fiqi) and Arabic Grammar (Nahwa). While I was having such emotional recollection, pictures of my friends, classmates, teachers of my Quranic Madrasa and Ahmed Gurey school were constantly before my eyes.

Unfortunately, that joy and remembrance of the good old days did not last that long. My mind started thinking about the present. This was the moment when the mood has changed into sadness. I started feeling pain. Many things have changed considerably ever since. The current situation is very different from what I experienced back in the day. Almost all of my colleagues left the town. Many migrated to Europe via the perilous trip to Libyan Desert and the Mediterranean Sea. Surprisingly, Bulaburte has become one of the most migrated cities in Somalia, with almost 95 percent of the young residents of my age left the city.

After years of peace and stability, the people of the town tasted the bitterness of the insecurity. In March 2014, Somali troops backed by the AMISOM contingent entered the town and forced Al-Shabab to flee. Buulaburte was one of Al Shabaab’s most stronghold towns, and they blocked all trade routes leading to and from Bulaburte were blocked. The trade blockage rendered the whole town standstill. Nearly one year and a half, the residents suffered as the price of the food and other commodities skyrocketed, and the situation of the poor families changed from bad to worse.

After more than a year of painful sufferings, a beacon of hope is once again on the horizon. Some of my friends who left the town some years ago are now organizing themselves to help the poor families. The first time in history, some young Reer Buulaay men and women in Europe are collecting money to give Iftar (fast-breaking meals) to the less priviledged in the upcoming Holy Month of Ramadan. This act of humanity and humility illustrate their social responsibility and compassion toward their people. Because of their assistance, we are grateful to them for their caring effort to contribute to their people. Their contribution gives a clear picture of how committed they are to assist Buulaburte residents. Regardless of the dire situation, people eventually started helping one another.

Half of my day ended with a mixed feeling as I sat there remembering about my good and bad days. I hope peace will come back to Buulaburte so that I shall get the opportunity to go back home and spend time with my family and friends sometime soon.

Mahad Wasuge

You can follow me on Twitter @MahadWasuge

Buulaburte: Maalintii Xusuusta

Buulaburte picture

Waxa aan bilaabay qoraalkan waqti aan dhageysanayay mid kamid ah heesaha Daahir Gacameey taas ee uu curiyay mar uu booqday Buulaburte. Heestan waxa uu fanaanka si qurux badan ugu qeexay quruxda dabiiciga ah ee magaalada.

Sheekada waxa ay ku bilaabatay sida soo socota. Maalin ayaan Google geliyay Buulaburte. Islamarkiiba sawirro iyo heeso tira badan ayaa iisoo muuqday. Kadib waxa aan ku dhuftay mid kamid ah heesaha kasoo muuqday xagga sare. Inkastoo aanan aad u dhageysanin heesaha, maalintaas waan daawaday heesta oo sawirro aad u xiiso badan oo magaalada iyo dadkii deganaaba ah ay la socdeen.

Marka lagasoo tago laxanka macaan ee heesta, sawirrada magaalada ayaa ahaa kuwo aad iisoo jiitay. Waxa kamid ahaa sawirradaas aan ku arkay heesta qaar kamid ah saaxiibbaday oo aan kubadda isla dheeli jirnay. Waxa aan sidoo kale arkay buundada taariiqiga ah ee la dhisay sanadkii 1937, masjidka caanka ah ee ku yaalla bartamaha magaalada iyo meelo kale oo aad u fara badan kuwaas oo maskaxdeyda dib u celiyay.

Markan ayay ahayd xilligii ay maskaxdeyda bilowday xusuusta maalmihii hore ee aadka u wacnaa. Qof waliba meesha uu ku dhasho kuna barbaaro waa mid si gaar ah u taabata. Buulaburte waxa aan ku noolaa tan iyo markii aan dhashay ilaa iyo intii aanan kasoo tagin sanado kahor si aan usii wato waxbarashadeysa.

Waan joojiyay qoraalka maqaalka waqti kooban sababtoo ah waxa aan dib u xusuusanayay maalmihii hore ee aan Buulaburte ku qaatay. Xitaa dhamaadka heesta kadib, waxa aan fadhiistay meel aniga oo aamusan maadaama ay sawirrada isoo xusuusiyeen saaxibbaday hore iyo kooxdaydii kubadda cagta. Buulaburte waxa ay soo saartay ciyaaryahannadii kubadda cagta ee ugu fiicnaa gobolka Hiiraan kahor iyo kadib dagaalkii sokeeye. Inkastoo aniga aanan kamid ahayn ciyaartoyda aad caanka u ahaa, waxa aan u dheeli jiray kooxda heerka labaad ee Bagabeeso oo xaafaddeyda ka dhisneyd oo aan weereryahan u ahaa. Nasiib darro kooxdaydii hadda waxa ay ku kala firirsantahay dunida, qaar aad u yar ayaa doortay in ay sii joogaan magaalada. Sidoo kale sawirka masjidka aad ayuu ii taabtay sababtoo ah waa meeshii aan ka bartay Tafsiirka Quraanka, Axaadiista Nabiga, Fiqiga iyo Naxwaha Carabiga. Intii aan xusuustaas ku jiray, sawirrada saaxiibbaday, ardadii fasalka ila dhigan jirtay, macallimiinteydii Quraanka iyo iskuulka Axmed Gureey ayaa i hor imaanayay.

Nasiib darro farxaddaas iyo xusuusta maalmihii hore ma sii waarin waqti badan. Maskaxdeyda waxa ay bilowday in ay ka fikirto xaalka magaalada ay ku sugantahay xilligan. Xaaladdayda waxa ay isku beddeshay murugo. Waxa aan bilaabay in aan dareemo xanuun. Wax badan ayaa is beddelay. Xaaladda hadda taagan aad ayay uga duwantahay muuqaalkii quruxda badnaa ee aan xusuusanayay. Inta badan saaxiibbaday magaalada waa ay ka tageen.  Qaar badan waxa ay u tahriibeen Yurub iyaga oo usii maraya marinka qatarta badan ee Saxaraha Liibiya iyo Badda Mediterranean. Buulaburte waxa ay noqotay mid kamid ah magaalooyinka aadka looga tahriibay Soomaaliya iyadoo qiyaastii 95% dhalinaradii degmada ee da’dayda ahaa ay ka tageen magaalada.

Kadib sanado ay ka jirtay nabad iyo xasilooni, dadka magaalada kunool waxa ay dhadhamiyeen qaraarka amni darrada. Bishii Maarso, ciidanka Soomaaliya oo ay la socdaan xoogagga AMISOM ayaa galay magaalada waxa ayna ka saareen Al shabaab oo xilligaas maamulayay. Buulaburte waxa ay ahayd mid kamid ah meelaha ay ku xooganyihiin Al shabaab, waxa ayna kadib xireen dhammaan waddooyinkii ganacsiga u mari lahaa magaalada. Xayiraadda waxa ay keentay in ganacsigii magaalada oo dhan uu istaago. Ku dhawaad sanad iyo bar dadka deegaanka waa ay dhibaatoonayaan qiimihii badeecadana cirka ayuu isku shareeray, xaaladda qoysaskii nolosha hooseeyana waa ay kasii dartay.

Kadib in ka badan sanad oo ay la diristay dhibaatooyin xanuun badan, calaamad rajo ayaa soo bishaameysa. Qaar kamid ah saaxiibbaday  ee ka tagay magaalada sanado kahor ayaa is abaabulaay si ay u caawiyaan qoysaska tabaaleysan. Markii ugu horeysay taariiqda degmada wiilal iyo gabdho Reer Buulaay ah ayaa ka shaqeynaya sidii ay ku afurin lahaayeen dadka tabaaleysan bisha foodda nagusoo heysa ee Ramadaanka. Tani waxa ay muujineysaa sida dhalinyaradii degmada ay masuuliyad iskaga saareen bulshada dhibaateysan. Waan u mahadcelineynaa dadaalkooda dheeraadka ah oo ay wax ku tarayaan dadkooda. Kaalmadooda waxa sawir dhab ah ay ka bixinayaa sida ay uga go’antahay in ay caawiyaan dadka degan Buulaburte. Si kasta oo uu xaalka u adagyahay, dadkii ayaa hadda bilaabay in ay iyaga dhexdooda is caawiyaan.

Qeyb kamid ah maalinteydii waxa ay ku dhamaatay dareen isku qasan maadaama aan soo xusuustay maalmihii wacnaa iyo xaaladda hadda kajirta degmada. Waxa aan rajeynayaa nabaddii in ay kusoo laaban doonto Buulaburte si aan fursad ugu helo in aan ku laabto islamarkaana la qaato waqti qoyskeyga iyo saaxiibbaday

Mahad Waasuge